NIZHNY ODES, Russia — Long lines of people waiting to buy milk, toilet paper and other essentials disappeared from Russia decades ago. But one line has only grown longer — the one Yevgeniya B. Shasheva has been waiting in.
俄罗斯下奥德斯——在俄罗斯,为了购买牛奶、厕纸和其他必需品而排的长队已经消失了几十年。但是有一个队伍却只增不减——而叶夫根尼娅·B·沙舍娃(Yevgeniya B. Shasheva)一直在排着。
For 70 years.
一排就是70年。
That is the time that has passed since her birth in a remote Russian region. Her family was sent into exile there from Moscow during the height of Stalin’s Great Purge in the 1930s, when millions were executed or died in prison camps.
这是自从她在俄罗斯一个偏远地区出生以来的全部时间。在1930年代斯大林“大清洗”之时,她的家人被迫从莫斯科流放到那里,当时有数百万人被处决或死在监禁营中。
Throughout the past seven decades, Ms. Shasheva says, she has been waiting to move home to the Russian capital.
沙舍娃说,过去70年来,她一直在等待搬迁到俄罗斯首都。
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A 2019 ruling by Russia’s Constitutional Court ordered that the government make this happen, mandating that such “children of the gulag” — around 1,500 of them, according to some estimates — be given the financial means to move to the cities from which Stalin banished their parents.
俄罗斯宪法法院于2019年作出的一项裁决命令政府实现为“古拉格的孩子”(据估计约有1500人)提供经济手段,以搬回他们的父母在被斯大林驱逐前所生活的城市。
Parliament was supposed to discuss the matter last month, but the question was removed from its agenda. Now, the process has stalled completely, leaving Ms. Shasheva with nearly 55,000 people ahead of her in line for social housing in Moscow.
议会原本应该在上个月讨论此事,但该问题已从议程中删除。现在,这一过程已完全停滞不前,导致沙舍娃还在排队申请莫斯科公共住宅,有将近5.5万人排在她前面。
So she waits 800 miles away in Nizhny Odes, a town so far off the beaten track that wild bears appear regularly on the streets.
于是她继续等待。她住在800英里以外的下奥德斯,一个人迹罕至的城镇,大街上经常有野熊出没。
沙舍娃在俄罗斯北部的克姆丁,1930年代斯大林大清洗期间,她的家人受迫害,导致她要在这里的一个特殊居住地长大。
沙舍娃在俄罗斯北部的克姆丁,1930年代斯大林大清洗期间,她的家人受迫害,导致她要在这里的一个特殊居住地长大。 Emile Ducke for The New York Times
“In Russia, people still live in Soviet exile,” said Grigory V. Vaypan, a Harvard-educated lawyer who has taken up Ms. Shasheva’s case in Russian courts. “Many people have been living in it for 70 to 80 years since they were born.”
哈佛受训的律师格里高利·V·韦潘(Grigory V. Vaypan)说:“在俄罗斯,人们仍然生活在苏维埃流亡中。”他已接手了沙舍娃在俄罗斯法院的案件。“自出生以来,许多人已经在流亡中生活了70至80年。”
The Russian state recognizes that terrible crimes were committed under Stalin, but dealing with them has become increasingly difficult as the Kremlin seeks to focus attention on Russia’s past glories rather than its pain.
俄罗斯政府承认在斯大林领导下犯下了可怕的罪行,但是随着克里姆林宫试图将注意力集中在俄罗斯过去的辉煌而不是痛苦上,应对这些罪行的后果变得越来越困难。
In 1991, under Mikhail Gorbachev, the last Soviet leader, the government granted repression victims the right to return home. It also ordered the state to provide them and their children with housing in their place of origin. But after the Soviet Union’s collapse that year, the country was in chaos, the government had little money and the law was largely ignored.
1991年,在最后一位苏联领导人米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫(Mikhail Gorbachev)的领导下,政府授予被镇压的受害者返回家园的权利。它还命令国家向他们及其子女在原籍提供住房。但是在那一年苏联解体后,该国陷入混乱,政府几乎没有钱,法律在很大程度上被忽略了。
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Even as the country’s fortunes were reversed a decade later, with oil prices surging after Vladimir V. Putin became president, there was little interest in focusing on problems thrown up by Stalin’s brutal rule. So instead of helping the victims return home as required by law, Moscow shifted that responsibility to regional governments.
尽管十年后俄罗斯的形势开始好转,弗拉基米尔·V·普京(Vladimir V. Putin)出任总统后油价飙升,人们对关注斯大林残酷统治所引发的问题也没有兴趣。因此,莫斯科没有按照法律要求帮助受害者返回家园,而是将这一责任转移给了地区政府。
That resulted in a series of Kafkaesque requirements: To qualify for social housing in Moscow, victims must live in the city for 10 years first, be paid less than the minimum wage and not own real estate. As a result, the process of providing people with apartments mostly ground to a halt.
这导致了一系列的卡夫卡式要求:要获得莫斯科的公共住宅的资格,受害者必须首先在该城市生活10年,其工资要低于最低工资,并且不能拥有房产。结果,为人们提供公寓的手续大都停滞了。
沙舍娃的父亲被送往古拉格之前,就住在莫斯科的这条街上。
沙舍娃的父亲被送往古拉格之前,就住在莫斯科的这条街上。 Emile Ducke for The New York Times
For Ms. Shasheva’s family, their background gave them slim odds of surviving Stalin’s political terror. Her father, Boris N. Cheboksarov, a member of a wealthy merchant family who was born in Switzerland, had the type of status that made it only a matter of time before he would be targeted by the secret police.
对于沙舍娃的家人而言,他们的出身使他们很难幸免于斯大林的政治恐怖。她的父亲鲍里斯·N·切博克萨罗夫(Boris N. Cheboksarov)属于在瑞士出生的一个富裕商人家庭,对于这样的身份,被秘密警察盯上只是时间问题。
The family’s forced exile began in 1937, when Mr. Cheboksarov was arrested at their apartment in central Moscow, where he worked in the Soviet food industry. Accused of being a Japanese spy, he was sent to work in a mine in the northern region of Komi.
这个家庭的被迫流亡始于1937年切博克萨罗夫在莫斯科市中心的一家公寓里被捕,当时他在食品业做事。他被指控为日本间谍,被送往科米北部地区的一个矿山工作。
His father, who had attended university in Lausanne, was also arrested and was shot, likewise accused of being a spy for Japan.
他曾在洛桑上过大学的父亲也被捕并被枪杀了,同样被指控为日本的间谍。
Stalin had not yet put prisoners to work building a railway to the Far North, so Mr. Cheboksarov had to walk to his labor camp for hundreds of miles through the taiga forest.
当时斯大林尚未将囚犯发配去建设通往北端的铁路,因此切博克萨罗夫不得不步行数百英里穿过针叶林去到劳改营。
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In the mine itself, he and other prisoners worked “like slaves,” said Anatoly M. Abramov, 81, who lived near the camp as a child and is one of its few surviving witnesses.
81岁的阿纳托利·阿布拉莫夫(Anatoly M. Abramov)说,在矿山里,他和其他囚犯一样“像奴隶一样工作”。他小时候住在营地附近,是尚存的少数见证人之一。
Despite being released from the camp in 1945, Mr. Cheboksarov was forced to stay as an engineer, living outside its fences. There, he met Ms. Shasheva’s mother, Galina. Even though she had been taken to Nazi labor camps during World War II, the Russians accused her of collaborating with Germany and sent her into exile.
尽管切博克萨罗夫于1945年从营地中被释放,但他被强迫留下做工程师,住在围栏之外。在那里,他遇到了沙舍娃的母亲嘉琳娜(Galina)。她在第二次世界大战期间曾被关进纳粹劳改营,但俄罗斯人仍指责她串通德国,并将她流放。
From Ms. Shasheva’s childhood near the Stalinist camp, she mostly remembers the cold. Once, she rode with her father in a truck to a nearby town. The vehicle broke down, and they removed its wooden parts to light a fire while they waited to be rescued.
对于在斯大林主义集中营附近度过的童年时代,沙舍娃印象最深的是寒冷。有一次,她和父亲乘卡车到附近的城镇。车辆发生故障,在等待救援时,他们拆除了车的木质部件烧火取暖。
“Otherwise, we would have frozen to death in less than an hour,” said Ms. Shasheva, who speaks with her father’s Muscovite accent despite never having lived in the Russian capital herself. The dire climate, with its dark winters and short, mosquito-doped summers, also affected her health: As a child, she contracted tuberculosis amid poor local health care.
“不然,要不了一个小时我们就会冻死,”沙舍娃说道,尽管她自己从未在俄罗斯首都生活过,但她说话的时候带着父亲的莫斯科口音。恶劣的气候,加上昏暗的冬季和蚊子叮咬的短暂夏季,也影响着她的健康:小时候,由于当地的医疗条件差,她染上了肺结核。
沙舍娃小时候与父母的合影。尽管从未在俄罗斯首都生活过,但她说话的时候带着父亲的莫斯科口音。
沙舍娃小时候与父母的合影。尽管从未在俄罗斯首都生活过,但她说话的时候带着父亲的莫斯科口音。 Emile Ducke for The New York Times
Such memories have been pushed aside under Mr. Putin’s tenure.
在普京上台后,这些记忆遭到了刻意压制。
Since his early days in the Kremlin, he has stressed the need to honor Soviet achievements — notably its role in the defeat of Nazi Germany — and play down any parallels between Stalin’s terror and Hitler’s horrors. To ensure that the preferred version of history prevailed, the Kremlin has squeezed historians, researchers and rights groups that focus on gulag research and memory.
从他入主克里姆林宫的早期开始,他就一直强调要尊重苏联的成就,尤其是它在打败纳粹德国中所起的作用,并淡化斯大林的恐怖统治与希特勒之间的相似之处。为了确保更理想的历史版本占据主流,克里姆林宫对专注于古拉格和相关记忆研究的历史学家、研究人员和权益组织施以严格限制。
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Groups lobbying to help people like Ms. Shasheva also came under growing pressure. Memorial, the pre-eminent civil society group in the field, was declared a foreign agent in 2012. Yuri Dmitriev, a historian who discovered Stalin’s mass burial site in northwestern Russia, was sentenced to 13 years in prison on charges that many regard as baseless.
为了帮助沙舍娃这样的人而进行游说的团体也面临着越来越大的压力。该领域杰出的公民社会团体“纪念”(Memorial)在2012年被宣布为外国代理人。在俄罗斯西北部发现了斯大林时期乱葬岗历史学家尤里·德米特里耶夫(Yuri Dmitriev)被判处13年徒刑,许多人认为他蒙受了不白之冤。
Ms. Shasheva’s quest to return to Moscow was hindered by such efforts, too.
沙舍娃返回莫斯科的努力也因此变得困难重重。
“The Russian government wants to control this topic,” said Nikolay Epplee, an independent researcher who has written a book about how governments deal with history’s sinister periods. “Whoever does that independently is being pushed out.”
“俄罗斯政府想控制这个话题,”独立研究员尼古拉·埃普利(Nikolay Epplee)说道。他写过一本专著,论述政府如何应对历史上的不堪时期。“无论谁独立去做,都会被挤走。”
In November, the lower house of the Russian Parliament debated solutions for people like Ms. Shasheva, but that led to complaints from some lawmakers that Stalin’s victims and their descendants born into exile were asking to skip the line for social housing.
去年11月,俄罗斯国家杜马就沙舍娃等人的解决方案进行了辩论,但这引发了一些议员的抱怨,他们说斯大林时期的受害者和他们在流放期间出生的后代想在社会福利房的问题上插队。
The government eventually settled on a proposal that puts the families of repression victims in a 20-year-long line.
政府最终敲定了一项方案,让镇压受害者的家人排上20年的队。
Mr. Shasheva’s lawyer, Mr. Vaypan, is leading the effort to amend the draft legislation. His campaign to help children of the gulag has attracted tens of thousands of supporters, including many civil society organizations.
沙舍娃的律师沃伊潘牵头,敦促进行立法草案的修改。他帮助古拉格儿童的运动吸引了成千上万的支持者,包括许多公民社会组织。
去年12月,克姆丁郊外一处囚犯墓地,沙舍娃在俄罗斯东正教十字架前献花,悼念政治镇压的受害者。
去年12月,克姆丁郊外一处囚犯墓地,沙舍娃在俄罗斯东正教十字架前献花,悼念政治镇压的受害者。 Emile Ducke for The New York Times
Walking through the site of the former camp where her father was sent to work, Ms. Shasheva said that she had no choice but to keep fighting to get out of Nizhny Odes and to the place she considers her real home, Moscow.
沙舍娃走过父亲当年的劳改营时说,自己别无选择,只能继续努力离开下奥德斯,回到她心目中真正的家——莫斯科。
Despite living 800 miles away, Ms. Shasheva already considers herself a Muscovite. When she dreams about the city, she imagines herself getting lost in the whirlwind of busy streets.
虽然隔着800英里,沙舍娃认为自己已经是莫斯科人了。在她做梦梦见这座城市时,她想像自己迷失在熙熙攘然的街头。
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“What I like in Moscow is how you can just walk in a crowd of people when it is dark and see what is going on,” she said. “I just want to feel the everyday life. We don’t have it here.”
“我喜欢莫斯科的一点是,天黑的时候,你可以走在人群中,看看周围在发生什么,”她说。“我只是想感受日常的生活。在这里可做不到。”
Yet even if she manages to secure a place to live in Moscow, other worries linger.
然而,即使她设法在莫斯科找到住处的同时,也还有其他的担忧挥之不去。
“I am still afraid that repressions can come back,” Ms. Shasheva said. “I realized that deep down, all of us victims of repressions have this fear entrenched inside.”
“我还是担心镇压会再次出现,”沙舍娃说。“这是我内心深处的想法,所有受到镇压的受害者心里,都有着这种根深蒂固的恐惧。”